台端是本文第______個瀏覽者
〔自由電子報訊〕繼廣告被爆抄襲，花博的路燈又被人指控抄襲，原創設計者痛批北市府宛如「強盜」，決定向北市府求償50億元。
北市府否認抄襲得獎作品
北市府工務局公園路燈工程管理處則回應，花博路燈是參考北縣新台五路、淡水台二線、基金公路等路燈桿，否認抄襲得獎作品。
耗資5千多萬元的北市府花博路燈，被2004年台中路燈設計展第二名得獎者李昆道指控抄襲，李昆道表示，花博路燈和自己的作品，不只焊接點、基座部分一樣，連電路分流設計也照抄，其他部分還涉嫌抄襲另一名得獎者的作品。
李昆道高分貝批評北市府：「這樣子侵害民眾權益，政府帶頭做，以後誰還敢在台灣投資、做生意？政府就可以硬著來嗎？這樣跟強盜有什麼不一樣！」
為了捍衛自己的著作權，李昆道決定向北市府求償，1支路燈造價2.5萬求償500倍，總計400支，求償金額高達50億元。
市議員籲尊重智慧財產權
民進黨籍北市議員莊瑞雄同樣呼籲北市府，應該尊重原創者，才是真正尊重智慧財產權。
This year marks the 10th anniversary of the Chinese government's programme to develop its far western provinces.
China has been investing a huge amount of money into Xinjiang, its largest administrative region, hoping that it will catch up with the rest of the country's fast growing economy.
Because of Xinjiang, China has become the second largest producer of wind power in the world. However, not all the region's residents believe that the Chinese government's involvement has benefited them.
Most of the religiously diverse population remains poor and people from the Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim group, feel marginalised and discriminated against.
Al Jazeera's Melissa Chan reports from Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang.
Demonstrators gather near the United Nations in New York in protest of China's treatment of Tibet, and calling for greater freedoms in IranReutersVideo
(參考譯文)北京觀察／中資銀彈攻勢 難買盟邦友誼
Washington Post Foreign Service
BISHKEK, KYRGYZSTAN - In a spasm of violence this spring, an angry mob toppled the Kyrgyzstan president, torched his office and ransacked other buildings associated with his hated authoritarian regime. The crowd then turned on a less obvious target: a popular Chinese-owned shopping mall stuffed with cheap clothes and electronics from China.
Armed with iron bars and clubs, the mob stormed into the Guoying center in the middle of the night, looting, smashing and then burning the best-known emblem of China's economic presence here in the capital of this volatile Central Asian nation.
"There was nothing we could do to stop them,'' recalled He Chengyu, the center's owner. He cowered in the dark during the attack, ordering security guards not to resist and staying out of view for fear that he, too, might become a target.
As China pushes beyond its borders in search of markets, jobs and a bigger voice in world affairs, a nation that once boasted of "having friends everywhere" increasingly confronts a problem long faced by the United States: Its wealth and clout might inspire awe and wary respect, but they also generate envy and, at times, violent hostility.
Since the attack on the Guoying center in April, dozens of Chinese nationals in Bishkek have been assaulted or robbed. In August, thieves broke into Tataan, another big and mostly Chinese shopping center in the capital, prying open the safes of a dozen or more Chinese traders. A Chinese diplomat who rushed to the scene said that as much as $500,000 was stolen. Angry Chinese merchants gathered outside the mall the morning after the heist and listed a catalogue of recent beatings, knife attacks and other assaults.
Xie Yincheng, who trades in wooden doors and paneling imported from China, lost more than $10,000 in the mall robbery. "It is getting very difficult to be Chinese here," said Xie, who heads an association of Chinese traders.
In Indonesia and other parts of Southeast Asia, ethnic Chinese businessmen have long been viewed with suspicion and are often targeted in times of turmoil. But the travails of their counterparts here in Kyrgyzstan and elsewhere represent a new phenomenon: They did not arrive generations ago when China was on its knees but came in the past decade as China boomed.
China's interests in Central Asia revolve around economics - the region offers a cornucopia of natural resources - and security. Kyrgyzstan has a 536-mile border with China's restive westernmost region, Xinjiang, whose periodically rebellious Muslim Uighur population has close links to brethren across the frontier.
Although mountainous, poor and tiny - it has only 5.3 million people - Kyrgyzstan has become China's main re-export platform for the region. Two-way trade, nearly all of it in Chinese exports, surged to more than $9.3 billion in 2008, according to Chinese customs figures. That was nearly double the value of Kyrgyzstan's entire gross domestic product. Trade decreased last year but is now rising again.
Some welcome China's surging presence as a counterbalance to the region's traditional and often overbearing overlord, Russia, which grabbed control in the 19h century and ruled Kyrgyzstan as a Soviet republic until the collapse of communism in 1991.
Edil Baisalov, a human rights activist who served as chief of staff to Kyrgyzstan's new president, Roza Otunbayeva, recalled with glee how, at a meeting with both the Russian and Chinese ambassadors, he shocked the Russian by greeting Beijing's envoy in Chinese. "You should have seen the Russian's face," said Baisalov, who is learning Chinese. "It was my way of telling him this is the future."
The past, however, still looms large. Baisalov, like most educated Kyrgyz, converses mainly in Russian. His English is far better than his Chinese. Russia's state-controlled energy giant, Gazprom, dominates the local fuel business. China has at times stumbled badly: Its first major project in Kyrgyzstan, a paper factory financed with soft loans, took eight years to get off the ground. Three years after it opened in 2002, the factory went bankrupt amid allegations of graft and illegal Chinese workers.
China has also had limited success with its main diplomatic initiative for the region, a group of states known as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Launched with great fanfare in 2001 as an organization that would combat "extremism" and be a counterweight to American influence, it generated "lots of hype but in reality has done nothing," said Alexander Cooley, a Columbia University scholar who has studied the body. Russia, a member of the Shanghai grouping, initially backed it with gusto but has since cooled on what it considers a vehicle for Chinese ambitions.
China's economic presence, meanwhile, has stirred bitter resentment among many Kyrgyz, from jobless youths to local traders and manufacturers who cannot compete with Chinese goods. A report last year by IFRI, a French think tank, noted that China - while an important source of funding for roads, schools and other projects - has "endangered" local industries and created few jobs because "Chinese companies bring labor with them."
Populist politicians in Kyrgyzstan and elsewhere in the region play on fears of a Chinese "invasion." In January, protesters in Almaty, the capital of neighboring Kazakhstan, rallied to denounce a plan to lease a vast tract of Kazakh land to China to grow food. The Kazakh government dropped the proposal.
China has cultivated close relations with the region's mostly autocratic leaders, but that has sometimes backfired. In Kyrgyzstan, public anger at a 1999 border deal with China that nationalists condemned as a sellout helped fuel a protest movement that eventually led to the overthrow of the president who signed the deal. An outspoken critic of the border deal, Azimbek Beknazarov, is now a leading member of the new Kyrgyz government and a robust champion of Kyrgyz nationalism.
Amid rising nationalist sentiment, China has become an easy target for populist potshots, despite the fact that Russia remains the dominant power and, along with the United States, has a military base in Kyrgyzstan. China has not helped its case by sometimes making clumsy moves, such as a request to the United Nations that it list a Kyrgyz poem - the Epic of Manas - as a Chinese contribution to world cultural heritage. (China's Xinjiang region has a small population of ethnic Kyrgyz.) China's claim on the poem stirred outraged accusations of cultural theft.
Such tensions will increase sharply if China goes ahead with a far-reaching plan under discussion to build a new railway line from Xinjiang to Kyrgyzstan and then on to Uzbekistan. Most of the work on what would be one of the world's most ambitious infrastructure projects probably would be done by Chinese laborers.
He, the owner of the shopping mall gutted by fire, has just finished rebuilding his property and plans to reopen in September. He has put metal bars on the windows in the hope that they might deter any looters. His mall has been torched twice in five years, and he worries that the next time could be worse. "We don't know what to do. China is big and getting stronger, but here we are still outsiders."
溫家寶:對台撤彈"終將"實現 藍綠解讀異
2010-09-24 19:23:58中國國務院總理溫家寶，在美國接受華文媒體採訪時，表示兩岸關係改善，"對台撤除飛彈最終會實現"! 此話一出，府院高層表示認同，行政院長吳敦義更期盼"盡快實現"。但民進黨主席蔡英文，和前副總統呂秀蓮，則紛紛對中國撤除飛彈的決心，提出質疑，還認為是有政治目的。中華民國99年9月24日 台視新聞
溫家寶撤彈說 吳揆：越快越好
綠營不看好：陸不懷好意勿上當 吳幸樺 報導
對準台灣的飛彈準備要撤除了嗎，中共總理溫家寶，針對撤除對台飛彈的看法，溫家寶認為撤飛彈「最終」會得到實現，這一番話行政院長吳敦義回應，對方的善意，是好事一件，如果撤飛彈能「儘快」實現將會更好。
立法院第七屆第六會期第一次開議，焦點全集中在，大陸總理溫家寶日前對台撤飛彈的回答，表示這是最終會實現，但是何時要撤，又是撤多少飛彈，沒有說清楚，不過這一番話傳到台灣，行政院長吳敦義是這樣解讀的 希望愈快愈好，畢竟兩岸已經實現全面三通，又簽了ECFA，飛彈老對著台灣也很奇怪，不過在野黨卻不看好 認為大陸不懷好意，要國人別上當，只是不管兩岸關係如何，別劍拔弩張，對雙方都好。
【Open Taipei】蘇貞昌競選概念專輯-【here to stay】，一分鐘搶先試聽。
中華民國99年9月24日 台視新聞
昨天才為大家報導智慧財產權的海報爆抄襲，無獨有偶又爆發抄襲事件，這回是體委會花三十五萬，請製作公司拍攝全民運動廣告。內容是，一位病人領藥時，正經八百的護士突然誇張的跳起舞來，說動就是最好的處方箋。有民眾發現，這個創意有抄襲泰國廣告之嫌。
胖患者開心跳起舞來，這是體委會最新推廣運動的廣告。一開始這位胖患者是懶洋洋，無精打采，吃甚麼藥最好ㄌㄟ，請看護士小姐的示範。 突然激動起來，張嘴動手，極盡誇張的表演，因為治癒的藥就是這一帖。 突如其來的舉動，不但嚇瘋了患者，電視機前的觀眾也有不少人跟著發出會心一笑。只是有眼尖的人一看，ㄟ這跟泰國推廣全民運動的廣告未免也太雷同了吧。一樣都是正經的護士突然跳起熱舞，在給予警示，差別在於台灣版是個胖子，而泰國版是個瘦子。被爆有抄襲之嫌，體委會說只要引發熱烈討論，非商業廣告抄襲又何妨。 是否抄襲，這三十五萬花的值不值得，縱使出現正反兩面聲音，體委會說只要有達到推廣運動島的目的就好。
2010-09-24 13:25:00
體委會最近花了35萬元製作電視廣告，結果竟然被民眾爆料廣告創意抄襲泰國版，從病患到醫院大廳領藥，接著藥師擺出誇張熱舞動作，告訴病患，只要多運動身體就會好，橋段幾乎一模一樣，惟獨主角一個胖一個瘦，不過承辦這支廣告的體委會全民運動處，一早遇到記者追問，卻是關起來門來，避不回應。
總統馬英九木柵老家，因為總統光環，再加上治安比較好，這樣的利多，讓附近房價平均成長了一成，但想要入住文山區的市民卻痛批，建商靠著名人加持調高房價，讓他們買不下手，實在沒有道理。
最近的英國經濟學人雜誌還報導了中國孕婦大量湧進香港產子的奇怪現象。去年一年，中國到香港的遊客所生下的小孩，佔了香港當年新生兒的三十六％，這個比率還在快速增加中。之所以如此，主要是受到香港的產婦保健制度以及十二歲前兒童教育與醫療免費所吸引。然而，香港的福利制度是由港人納稅所支撐，中國其他地區享受比較便宜消費水準的人，如果跑到香港來分一杯羹，這豈不是對港人權益的剝奪與侵蝕？為此，香港當局一度限制社會福利的申請人必須在香港居住至少一年以上，但由於是「一國」，政府不能限制人民的遷徙自由，這個規定很快就被香港法院否決了。這說明，對中國的門戶大開與不准設防，現在的港人肩頭上有兩個重擔，一個是養家活口壓力日益沉重的擔，一個是不斷有中國婦女生下了「香港之子」，港人必須協助幫忙撫養的擔，這兩個沒有選擇自由非挑不可的重擔，才是掩蓋在香港光鮮外表下的庶民真相。Hong Kong's baby-boom
【18:07】 中華國際植物芳香協會成立大會今（23）日在圓山大飯店舉辦，國民黨台北市議員李新參與大會，卻被在場中國司儀吃豆腐，降格為「區」議員，現場氣氛相當尷尬。
今日這場中華國際植物芳香協會成立大會，尷尬場面不斷。李新參加大會還上台致詞，沒想到下台時，在場中國司儀卻說：「以上是我們來自台灣地區的嘉賓致詞。」台灣從國家降格為地區，市議員也變成「區」議員。
除了致詞，成立大會上竟也當場播放中華民國國歌，還安排敬國旗、國父遺像三鞠躬禮，與會的中國代表面無表情，國歌說什麼都不肯開口唱，敬禮時也相當不情願，現場氣憤尷尬萬分。
【19:30】
〔自由電子報訊〕政府為了消化預算巧立名目，卻造就許多荒廢的「蚊子館」，師大美術系教授姚瑞中動員50多位學生，訪查全台200多個「蚊子館」，準備拍攝成紀錄片，姚瑞中憂心，北市府備受爭議的花博館，可能就會是下一個「蚊子館」。
動員50多位美術系學生，姚瑞中籌畫拍攝的紀錄片「海市蜃樓」，要揪出全台200多個「蚊子館」，北市饒河夜市彩虹橋下的公廁就是其中之一，當初花了1000多萬元興建，卻因為公廁離居民住家太近，引來居民不滿，還沒有使用過就封閉，納稅人的血汗錢也就這樣浪費掉了。
姚瑞中表示：「錯誤的政策比貪污更可怕！」姚瑞中指出，政府常常為了消化龐大預算，設計一些巧立名目的建案，消化預算目的達到，不過建築也變成「蚊子館」。
北市辦花博館引發浪費公帑質疑，姚瑞中也很擔心，花博是個短期展覽，未來50年、100年展館要如何運用，才是大家應該關心的重點。
在拍攝紀錄片時，姚瑞中還曾接到副總統蕭萬長打電話關切，不過姚瑞中說這個紀錄片一定會拍下去，要把全台的「蚊子館」都揪出來。
